Article written by LWM for New Start Magazine and reproduced here with their permission:
The name Localise West Midlands suggests we might find plenty to like in the decentralisation and localism bill.
Its principles of handing more powers to councils and communities are largely in tune with our thinking on governance. But the planning elements are best understood by reading the local growth white paper (LGWP). Produced by BIS for a different audience, the emphasis is on a more permissive system, raising potential contradictions with localism rhetoric.
It describes neighbourhood plans’ purpose as being ‘to give communities… freedom to bring forward more development than set out in the local plan’ and within the limits that they must ‘respect the overall national presumption in favour of (sustainable) development, as well as other strategic local priorities’. Leaving aside the issue of what is ‘sustainable’ for now, it appears neighbourhood plans will empower communities to say anything they like, so long as it’s ‘yes’.
To reframe development as being a co-produced exercise between communities and developers is commendable. The bill’s concept of council planners acting as enablers for communities’ aspirations is excellent. The caveat that communities must take national and local strategy into account – if it works – is essential for the balancing act that is good planning and hopefully ensures communities accept their fair share of infrastructure activities they may regard as bad neighbours. But a ‘presumption in favour of development’ potentially excludes that balancing act, forecast by the LGWP’s subtle redefinition of planning’s purpose as to give communities a voice and to enable economic development.
The bill’s contribution to wellbeing hangs entirely on its definition of sustainable development. Some would say it’s development that generates wellbeing and equity while using global resources efficiently.
Decentralisation minister Greg Clark’s recent speeches indicate it simply means financially sound development that doesn’t damage locally valued green space and tackles CO2 emissions in some way. This gives little opportunity for basing planning decisions on, for example, a development’s impact on existing economic activities.
Localise held an event in September on the theme ‘Can we have effective localism without decentralising economic power?’ This question remains crucial. The role of localised economic activity in truly sustainable development is significant but not well understood.
A diverse local economy with plenty of smaller businesses fosters competition and enterprise, strengthens distinctiveness and is synergous with an area’s resources, heritage, culture and social capital. If we can foster understanding within communities of the importance of protecting economic diversity and encouraging enterprise, neighbourhood plans have the potential to generate sustainable and resilient local economies. But there are few resources to promote this and very few nods to economic localisation in government policy. Given the power imbalances between larger and smaller economic players, the presumption in favour of development could lead to an indiscriminate process, weakening diversity.
Competition between places is also explicitly to be encouraged by the new planning system, leading to beggar-thy-neighbour schemes that poach clients and shoppers from adjacent towns. The likes of Birmingham’s Bullring and the Black Country’s Merry Hill will be playing constant ping-pong with the region’s shoppers while smaller centres and businesses within the conurbation are squeezed out.
Another issue of scales of economy arises from the incentive mechanisms for new development. Power follows money. A resident of a village just outside the Birmingham conurbation recently told me that since the new government the village is being assiduously courted by a developer who wants to build on the few green fields that separate the village from the urban area. The developer’s promise of facilities in return for community permission have swayed many villagers in favour of a development fundamentally in contradiction with a village design statement that was painstakingly put together around agreed objectives. In theory this development could increase commuter patterns, concrete over high grade agricultural land, be of poor density and fail to deliver much-needed affordable housing. But so long as the homes were energy efficient and the community had been bought, this would count as sustainable development in the terms of the bill. Will neighbourhood plans be subject to these same pressures?
In the town of Shirley in the west midlands, developers have long been promoting a mixed use scheme involving a large Asda, some shops and flats in a new centre to one side of a traditional linear high street – the subject of an independent retail impact assessment and consultation critique by Localise.
The developer claimed that 68.9% of consultees were in favour of the development. They had included as ‘in favour’ the 33.3% who supported the development ‘with some reservations’. But it transpires from their own and other surveys that the majority of these were people who felt the town needed some development but did not want the supermarket, as numerous better integrated foodstores existed.
The supermarket, says the developer, is crucial to the success of the scheme and is therefore non-negotiable, but this was not known to consultees at the time, nor accepted by critics later. Developer consultation potentially allows local knowledge to improve the detail of schemes, but usually as with Shirley the most important elements will not be up for negotiation.
This devolved, permissive decision-making process exacerbates the tendency for larger developers to have more power than smaller developers and the community by means of having more resources to invest in achieving a positive planning outcome. Power tensions also arise within the community itself: a single voice from a single community is rare, and in many communities there are empire-builders and separatists who impose their views on their constituencies.
Good planning provides a method for balancing the needs for proposed development with existing needs: existing economic activity, our needs from wild space and farmland, housing needs, community infrastructure needs. Community opinion is one tool in identifying this balance – local knowledge regularly demonstrates the inadequacy of experts’ theoretical analysis of developments’ suitability – but the other essential is a neutral and objective process that tests options against societal goals.
The proposed system instead expects planning outcomes to emerge through a cacophony of community and private sector interests, creating a process in which volume is everything, and so reduces to an illusion the principles of community empowerment and sustainable development that are meant to be at its heart.
Karen Leach
Coordinator
Localise West Midlands
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What I don’t understand is which communities will include aspirations to accommodate bail hostels, accommodation for teenage mothers, shelters for victims of domestic violence, water treatment facilities, waste treatment facilities, educational institutions for excluded children… And that’s just at a small scale. When you start talking about power stations, regional waste tranfer facilities, railway infrastructure, industrial installations, gas storage what happens then? They’re all things which take up space somewhere on a map within someone’s administrative boundary yet is the paper saying that local communities have the power to effectively slow down/block national infrastructure – which those very people will doubtlessly benefit from indirectly?
A community could “aspire” to accommodating these “unpopular” uses as long as they are well-designed, adequately resourced etc to minimise any adverse affects. That would be a pretty right-on community. However, I suspect that these communities don’t actually exist. Or they might do, but they don’t have the time to turn up to meetings, pore over planning applications.
I know, why doesn’t the government create local authorities of around 300,000 people, governed by democratically elected representatives to deliver services at a sufficient scale so that busy residents don’t have to worry about becoming experts in 1001 areas on top of their busy lives that have become increasinly privatised. We could call them “Councils”.
Hi Dan
RTPI have expressed similar concerns, so maybe I’ve missed something, but from close reading of the local growth white paper it is very clear that neighbourhood plans need to respect local plans, and national strategies, and there’s a long list of types of infrastructure devt that will be decided at national level, plus clearly local authorities will be expected to make spatial decisions on the unpopular more local infrastructure devts that are identified needs. So neighbourhood plans don’t really devolve anything like the power the govt says they do – and there are both good and bad consequences of that.
The LGWP seems very clear to me that the only role of neighbourhood plans is to allow people to come together and decide to have MORE development than is in the local plan. Which is a bit laughable – I’m sure everyone will be queuing up to grab this opportunity! Well, seriously for some communities it may enable CLTs, affordable housing, community owned renewables and development to assist local food supply chains, but my guess is that that will be a minority. What we need to do is inspire those who aren’t already inspired about what makes ‘good development’ so that there is a chance that more positive development will happen. From what the LGWP says, the unpopular infrastructure devts will still be imposed on communities as they always have been, and we all know that can be done for a more, or a less, equitable result.
But tell me if you think I’m wrong – I’m still trying to make sense of what has been written.
Karen